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1. The Interpretation of the Text of Article 5 of the Statute
282.
Notwithstanding the fact that the ICTY Statute is legally a very different instrument
from an international treaty, in the interpretation of the Statute it is nonetheless permissible
to be guided by the principle applied by the International Court of Justice with regard to
treaty interpretation in its Advisory Opinion on Competence of the General Assembly for
the Admission of a State to the United Nations: “The first duty of a tribunal which is called
upon to interpret and apply the provisions of a treaty is to endeavour to give effect to them
in their natural and ordinary meaning in the context in which they occur”. 346
283.
The ordinary meaning of Article 5 makes it clear that this provision does not require
all crimes against humanity to have been perpetrated with a discriminatory intent. Such
intent is only made necessary for one sub-category of those crimes, namely “persecutions”
provided for in Article 5 (h).
284.
In addition to such textual interpretation, a logical construction of Article 5 also
leads to the conclusion that, generally speaking, this requirement is not laid down for all
crimes against humanity. Indeed, if it were otherwise, why should Article 5(h) specify that
“persecutions” fall under the Tribunal’s jurisdiction if carried out “on political, racial and
religious grounds”? This specification would be illogical and superfluous. It is an
elementary rule of interpretation that one should not construe a provision or part of a
provision as if it were superfluous and hence pointless: the presumption is warranted that
law-makers enact or agree upon rules that are well thought out and meaningful in all their
elements.
285.
As rightly submitted by the Prosecution, the interpretation of Article 5 in the light of
its object and purpose bears out the above propositions. The aim of those drafting the
Statute was to make all crimes against humanity punishable, including those which, while
fulfilling all the conditions required by the notion of such crimes, may not have been
perpetrated on political, racial or religious grounds as specified in paragraph (h) of
Article 5. In light of the humanitarian goals of the framers of the Statute, one fails to see
why they should have seriously restricted the class of offences coming within the purview
of “crimes against humanity”, thus leaving outside this class all the possible instances of
serious and widespread or systematic crimes against civilians on account only of their
Case No.: -94-1-A
15 July 1999